New Iranian TV Station

Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi's followers lauch Paydari TV station:
http://www.shabakepaydari.com/index.php?idservis=27

Interesting development.

Random thought...

Social scientists criticize clerics when clerics weigh in on economic or social matters, but when it comes to analyzing religion, social scientists believe their analysis is supreme and unchallengeable.

Knawmean? Leila Ahmed, Ali Rahnema.

An actual singer with a good voice

Persian Patriotism

I thought it might be apt to project some Persian patriotism today through two beautiful anthems/songs:

State-dominated media and Iran

State-dominated media and Iran By: Glen Greenwald

Excerpt:

I want to focus here on the reporting methods of the NYT...

Both in methodology and conclusion, it is pure state-run media propaganda, by definition: shaped exclusively by official government assertions, amplified without skepticism or challenge. It’s not even hidden: Iranians are the Terrorists and its menacing aggression is proven by its attempt to “stir unrest” in Afghanistan. And then there’s this:

Iran appears to have increased its political outreach and arms shipments to rebels and other political figures in Yemen, and it is arming and advising the embattled government of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria [from NYT article].

So Iran is supporting rebels fighting a dictatorship in one country (Yemen) and supporting the dictatorship in another (Syria). In those two countries, the U.S. is doing exactly the reverse: propping up the Yemeni dictatorship while arming the Syrian rebels. Why is one better than the other or a greater sign of aggression and threats? One would think this way only if one is a U.S. government national security official, or — obviously — if one is a New York Times reporter and editor purporting to publish “news reports.” That the mentality of those two groups is indistinguishable — even though one is supposed to be “adversarial” to the other — is the point. I actually think the methods that led to the Iraq War journalism debacle have intensified and worsened since then, not improved. The uncritical relationship and overlapping functions of government officials and establishment media organs are more severe than ever.

Ayatollah Khomeini and Reform

Americans usually caricature Ayatollah Khomeini as the epitome of a Muslim "traditional hardliner" -- but he was far from mainstream when it came to the ranks of the clergy. The academic tradition within the clerical theological seminaries, or howzehs, at the time of Khomeini's ascent was (as it still is) obsessed with fiqh (jurisprudence) and political quietism.

While Khomeini was certainly very learned in jurisprudence he held two notable qualities rarely found within the upper echelons of the ulema: deep knowledge of erfan (mysticism) and political charisma/understanding. The tradition up until then for the clergy was to remove themselves from almost all political matters and concern themselves with Islamic law. Ayatollah Khomeini rejected this quietism, and admonished these Islamic scholars whom, in his eyes, had social and political responsibilities alongside religious ones. In other words, Ayatollah Khomeini was truly revolutionary in all senses of the word.

Ayatollah Khomeini in his youth. Bottom row, 1st from right

Khomeini's thought was very "Islamist"; he saw the message of Islam permeating in both personal ethical affairs and in society as well. The path towards building a better society through Islam was first reforming oneself then approaching society from a sense of heightened cognition.

Below are some excerpts from his wonderful work,  Jihad-e Akbar ya Mobarezeh ba Nafs (The greater jihad or struggle with desire). Side note: Jihad translates as struggle; in Islam it is generally recognized that there are two types of main jihad: Bigger jihad (jihad-e akbar) and smaller jihad (jihad-e asqar). The bigger jihad, or struggle, is with one's own desires such as greed and lust. The smaller jihad is usually said to be physical jihad against an enemy such as a foreign invader. This is an indicator as to where the emphasis tends to be focused in Islam.

Khomeini addresses clerical students in the book, stating: "don't believe that your only responsibility in the seminary is just memorizing a bunch of terms... within this seminary you must build and train yourself so that when you enter a town or village you can guide and refine the people within there." (2)

He goes on to talk about a saying of, Ayatollah Haeri Yazdi, who said: "'becoming a Mullah is so easy, becoming a [decent] person so hard!"... 'It should be said 'becoming a Mullah is difficult, becoming a [decent] person is impossible'"! (8).

Ayatollah Khomeini was all about building oneself and preparing for the day of judgement in which every individual must account for his/her sins. He viewed political and social matters as important but secondary to the big jihad: resisting temptation and reforming oneself on an individual level. Understanding this aspect of Khomeini's thought will put into perspective much of how this man acted both before and after receiving power.