Friday, June 28, 2013

Repost: Failed states are a western myth

Brilliant article by Elliot Ross. Original article can be found here.

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In the same week that the investigative reporter Jeremy Scahill spoke of the need for the US to "take a humility pill", we've been subjected to precisely the opposite – yet another instalment of Foreign Policy magazine's annual Failed States Index, complete with accompanying "postcards from hell" purporting to show what it's like "living on the edge in the world's worst places".

Quibbling with the many bizarre claims of the index is tempting (Kenya is "less stable" than Syria, we learn), but in the end such gripes only give credibility to this tedious yearly exercise in faux-empirical cultural bigotry. For anyone interested in actually finding out about places such as Yemen or Uganda, the index is probably the last place you'd want to go. But what's more interesting, and more helpful in understanding what the index really does, is to grasp that the very concept of the "failed state" comes with its own story.

The organisation that produces the index, the Fund for Peace, is the kind of outfit John le Carré thinks we should all be having nightmares about. Its director, JJ Messner (who puts together the list), is a former lobbyist for the private military industry. None of the raw data behind the index is made public. So why on earth would an organisation like this want to keep the idea of the failed state prominent in public discourse?

The main reason is that the concept of the failed state has never existed outside a programme for western intervention. It has always been a way of constructing a rationale for imposing US interests on less powerful nations.

Luckily, we can pinpoint exactly where it all began – right down to the words on the page. The failed state was invented in late 1992 by Gerald Helman and Steven Ratner, two US state department employees, in an article in – you guessed it – Foreign Policy, suggestively entitled Saving failed states. With the end of the cold war, they argued, "a disturbing new phenomenon is emerging: the failed nation state, utterly incapable of sustaining itself as a member of the international community". And with that, the beast was born.

What followed in the essay was a grumpy version of the history of the "third world" after 1945, in which Helman and Ratner lamented that the claims of "self-determination" made by colonised peoples had ever been established as a major principle for organising international affairs. With the fall of the Berlin Wall, Helman and Ratner argued, the time for fripperies such as state sovereignty for third world nations was over. What these failed states needed was the ever-benign "guardianship" of the western world. We westerners would keep hold of our sovereignty, of course; they would make do with something called "survivability" instead, and be grateful for it.

Friday, June 21, 2013

Iran’s Predictable Elections [Re-post]



This is a re-posting of an article written by Hossein Hafezian, an esteemed academic in Iran and expert on the Middle East. The article is a brief overview of the implications of the election of Hassan Rouhani and the political atmosphere of modern Iran. The original article can be found here.
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Although Hassan Rouhani’s victory in the first round of the Iranian presidential elections appeared to be surprising to many observers — particularly those outside Iran — the fact is that in the past 16 years since 1997, the reformist and moderate elements have won every national election in which they have been given a fair chance. This election was no exception. Rouhani became the front-runner the day the reformist candidate, Mohammad Reza Aref, exited the contest to support Rouhani’s campaign. After that, it became a matter of whether Rouhani would win the election in the first or in the runoff round. For this favor to Rouhani and the entire reformist-centrist camp, Aref might be appointed first vice president, a position he held previously, under the second government of Mohammad Khatami.

What can Rouhani do?

Those who assert that the president cannot make a difference in Iranian domestic politics or foreign policy most likely did not live in Iran during the Khatami and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad presidencies. Thus, they have no true basis for comparing these periods. Even ordinary Iranians can tell how politics, economy and culture were totally different under these two men, who served under the same Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Certainly, a president is not in a position to change everything in Iran’s complicated political system, but he wields enough leverage to put his seal on Iranian politics and the economy, as presidents of the past couple of decades have done.

Rouhani, backed by the popular legitimacy he garnered with his undisputed victory, can now launch plans to return Iran to the path of economic development, political liberalization and rapprochement with the outside world after being derailed for eight years. The majority of the political elite has reached the conclusion that the country has been poorly run, particularly during the past four years, and has suffered from unnecessary tensions with the international community. Removing these tensions with Western powers and regional players is the key to addressing the economic hardship felt by all Iranians in their daily lives, notably during the last few years of international sanctions.

The consensus among the power centers in Iran was best illustrated by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps’ statement in which it promised Rouhani that it would fully cooperate with him. At the same time, Majlis speaker Ali Larijani visited Rouhani’s office to congratulate him and to promise his full cooperation in selecting his cabinet. These gestures serve to indicate that Rouhani will not be on a collision course with the other power brokers in Iran. All the circles of power apparently want to rid the country of its foreign policy troubles and craft a resolution to the nuclear standoff. Rouhani is likely to find a mutually acceptable solution to the nuclear issue in a few months, leading to the lifting of sanctions one by one.

Saturday, June 8, 2013

In the Shining Sun of the Holy Prophet


On this blessed eid of Mab'ath (the day that Muhammad became appointed as the Holy Prophet of Allah), I'd like to share a wonderful poem by Saadi describing the absolute beauty and dignity of this mercy to the worlds, our master and leader, Rasullulah Muhammad. I will roughly translate the last two lines in his honor.

Until sleep, my eyes saw the beauty of Muhammad / [Alas] they will not sleep from the thought of Muhammad

Saadi, if you [want to] enact love and youth / The love of Muhammad and his family is enough.

ماه فروماند از جمال محمد
سرو نباشد به اعتدال محمد
قدر فلک را کمال و منزلتی نیست
در نظر قدر با کمال محمد
وعدهٔ دیدار هر کسی به قیامت
لیلهٔ اسری شب وصال محمد
آدم و نوح و خلیل و موسی و عیسی
آمده مجموع در ظلال محمد
عرصهٔ گیتی مجال همت او نیست
روز قیامت نگر مجال محمد
وآنهمه پیرایه بسته جنت فردوس
بو که قبولش کند بلال محمد
همچو زمین خواهد آسمان که بیفتد
تا بدهد بوسه بر نعال محمد
شمس و قمر در زمین حشر نتباد
نور نتابد مگر جمال محمد
شاید اگر آفتاب و ماه نتابند
پیش دو ابروی چون هلال محمد
چشم مرا تا به خواب دید جمالش
خواب نمی‌گیرد از خیال محمد
سعدی اگر عاشقی کنی و جوانی
عشق محمد بس است و آل محمد